Dominance and Decline: Making Sense of Recent Canadian Elections (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, J. Everitt and P. Fournier). Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011.

A Question of Ethics: Canadians Speak Out (with M. Mancuso, M. Atkinson and A. Blais). Toronto and London: Oxford University Press 1998: 232.

The Democratic Audit of Canada: Citizens (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, R. Nadeau). Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004: 224.

Anatomy of a Liberal Victory: Making Sense of the 2000 Canadian Election (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil and R. Nadeau). Toronto: Broadview Press 2002: 241.

Unsteady State: The 1997 Canadian Federal Election (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil and R. Nadeau). Toronto and London: Oxford University Press 2000: 182.

The Decline of Deference: Canadian Value Change in Comparative Perspective 1981-1990, Toronto: Broadview Press, 1996: 389.

The North American Trajectory: Growing Cultural, Economic and Political Ties Between the United States, Canada and Mexico (with Ronald Inglehart and Miguel Basañez). New York and Berlin: Aldine de Gruyter, 1996: 198.

The Challenge of Direct Democracy: The 1992 Canadian Referendum (with R. Johnston, A. Blais and E. Gidengil). Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press 1996: 338.

Convergencia en Norte America: Comercio, Politica y Cultura (with R. Inglehart and M. Basañez). Mexico and Madrid: Siglo xxi 1994: 224.

New Elites in Old States: Ideologies in the Anglo-American Democracies (with Roger Gibbins). Toronto, London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1990: 209.


Chapters In Books

“The Ties that bind: Partisanship under Duress” (with Elisabeth Gidengil) in S. Holmberg and H. Oscarsson (eds.), Research Handbook on Political Partisanship. Oxford University Press. (2019).

“Explaining the Modern Gender Gap” (with A. Blais, J. Everitt, P. Fournier and E. Gidengil) in R. Lexier and T. Small (eds.), Mind the Gap: Canadian Perspectives on Gender and Politics. Fernwood Press. (2013).

“Native Born and Foreign Born Attitudes towards Receptivity and Conformity: The Canadian Case” (with S. White) in G. Freeman, R. Hansen and D. Leal (eds.), Immigration and Public Opinion in the Western Democracies, Routledge Press. 2013. 307-334.

“Citizen Expectations and Democratic Performance: The Sources and Consequences of Democratic Deficits from the Bottom Up” (with S. White) in R. Simeon and P. Lenard (eds.), Imperfect Democracies: The Democratic Deficit in Canada and the United States, UBC Press. 2012. 51-76.

“Leaders Effects and Leader Characteristics” (with R. Nadeau) in Kees Aarts, Andre Blais and Hermann Schmitt (eds.), Political Leaders & Democratic Elections, Oxford: Oxford University Press. (June 2011).

“Citizens” (with E. Gidengil, R. Nadeau and A. Blais) in Bill Cross (ed.), The Canadian Democratic Audit, Vancouver: UBC Press. 2009: 107-135.

“Patterns of Party Identification in Canada” (with J. Everitt, E. Gidengil and P. Fouriner) in H. McIvor (ed.) Elections. Edmond Montgomery Publications, 2009: 269-284.

“Policy Disagreement in Advanced Industrial States: The Content and Structure of Left-Right Orientations” (with C. Cochrane) in Hans-Dieter Klingemann, Yilmaz Esmer and Bi Puranen (eds.), Religion, Democratic Values and Political Conflict,. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2009: 119-145.

“Socio-economic Status and Non-voting: A Cross-National Comparative Analysis” (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil and R. Nadeau) in Hans-Dieter Klingemann (ed.), The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009: 85-108. 

“Economic Integration and North American Political Cultures” (with S. White) in Y. Abu-Laban, R. Jhappan, & F. Rocher (eds.), Politics in North America: Redefining Continental Relations. Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2008: 393-422.

“Délibération et changement d’opinion lors d’un sondage” (with P. Fournier, M. Turgeon, A. Blais, E. Gidengil and J. Everitt) in Yves Tillé (ed.), Méthodes de sondage : applications aux enquêtes longitudinales, à la santé, aux enquêtes électorales et aux enquêtes dans les pays en développement Proceedings of the Colloquium, Paris: Dunod, 2008: 147-52.

“Cleavages, Value Gaps and Regime Support: Evidence from Canada and 26 Other Societies” (with M. Kanji) in R. Inglehart, T. Pettersson and Y. Esmer (eds.), Changing Values, Persisting Cultures: Comparative Findings from World Values Surveys, Leiden: Brill Academic, 2008: 45-73.

“Value Change in Europe and North America: Convergence or Something Else?” (with C. Cochrane and S. White) in J. Kopstein and S. Steimo (eds.), Growing Apart? Europe and North America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007: 53-79.

“Canada” (with C. Cochrane) in Y. Esmer and Hennie Kotze (eds.), Measuring and Mapping Cultures: 25 Years of Comparative Value Surveys. Leiden: Brill, 2007: 99-126.

“Value Change and the Dynamics of the Canadian Partisan Landscape” (with C. Cochrane) in A. Gagnon and B. Tanguay (eds.), Canadian Parties in Transition 4th Edition. Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2007: 255-275.

“Individualization in Europe and America: Connecting Religious and Moral Values” (with C. Cochrane) in Y. Esmer and T. Pettersson (eds.), Measuring and Mapping Cultures: 25 Years of Comparative Values Surveys, Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006: 99-126.

“Gender, Knowledge, and Social Capital” (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil and E. Goodyear-Grant) in Brenda O’Neill and Elisabeth Gidengil (eds.), Gender and Social Capital, New York: Routledge, 2006: 241-272.

“Do Polls Influence the Vote?” (with Andre Blais and Elizabeth Gidengil) in Henry E. Brady and Richard Johnston (eds.), Capturing Campaign Effects, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006: 263-279.

New Cleavages, Value Diversity and Democratic Governance,” (with M. Kanji) in J. Bickerton and A. Gagnon (eds.), Canadian Politics 4th Edition, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2004: 79-97.

“Language and Cultural Insecurity” (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, and R. Nadeau) in Alain G. Gagnon (ed.), Quebec: State and Society, 3rd Edition, Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2004:345-367.

“Women to the Left? Gender Differences in Political Beliefs and Policy Preferences” (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, and R. Nadeau) in, Manon Tremblay and Linda Trimble (eds.), Gender and Electoral Representation in Canada, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2003: 140-159.

“La Langue Francaise et l’Insecurité Culturelle” (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, and R. Nadeau) in Alain-G. Gagnon (ed.), Québec Etat et Société (Tome 2) Québec: Edition Québec Amerique Inc. 2003: 389-412.

“The Changing Ideological Landscape in North America: Evidence from the World Values Surveys (1981-2000)” (with A. Bilodeau) in Rainer-Olaf Schultze and Roland Sturm (eds.), Conservative Parties and Right Wing Politics in North America: Reaping the Benefits of an Ideological Victory, Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 2003: 31-52.

“Ten Years After: Canadian Attitudes toward Continentalism” (with L. Anderson and R. Brym) in Edward J. Chambers and Peter H. Smith (eds.), NAFTA in the New Millennium, Edmonton and La Jolla:  University of Alberta Press and Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2002: 185-212.

“Priming and Campaign Context: Evidence from Recent Canadian Elections” (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, and R. Nadeau) in David Ferrell, Reudiger, Schmitt-Beck (eds.), Do Political Campaigns Matter? Campaign Effects in Elections and Referendums, London: Routledge, 2002: 76-91.

“Value Change and Reorientation in Citizen-State Relations” in Neil Nevitte (ed.), Value Change and Governance in Canada, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002: 3-35.

“Language and Cultural Insecurity” (with E. Gidengil, A. Blais, and R. Nadeau) in Alain-G. Gagnon (ed.), Quebec: State and Society (3rd edition), Scarborough, Ont.: Nelson Canada, 2002: 345-368.

“Changes in the Party System and Anti-Party Sentiment.” (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil, and R. Nadeau) in William Cross (ed.), Political Parties, Representation, and Electoral Democracy in Canada, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2002: 68-86.

“Do Party Supporters Differ?” (with A. Blais, E. Gidengil, and R. Nadeau) in Joanna Everitt and Brenda O’Neil (eds.), Citizen Politics; Research and Theory in Canadian Political Behavior, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2002: 184-201.

“Canadian Political Culture and Value Change” (with M. Kanji) in Joanna Everitt and Brenda O’Neil (eds.), Citizen Politics; Research and Theory in Canadian Political Behavior, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2002: 56-73.

“Perceptions of Party Competence in the 1997 Election” (with R. Nadeau, A. Blais, E. Gidengil) in Hugh Thorburn and Alan Whitehorn (eds.), Party Politics in Canada, Toronto: Prentice Hall, 2001:413-430.

“Domestic Electoral Monitoring: The Practical Lessons” (with S. Canton) in Kevin J. Middlebrook (ed.), Electoral Observation and Democratic Transitions in Latin America, La Jolla: University of California Press, 1998:33-52.

“Trinational Relations” (with M. Basañez) in Robert A. Pastor and Rafael Fernandez de Castro (eds.), The Controversial Pivot: The U.S. Congress and North America, Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1998:145-179.

“Political Values, Identification, Participation and Value Change” (with L. Halman) in L. Halman and N. Nevitte (eds.), Political Value Change in Western Democracies, Tilburg: Tilburg University Press, 1997: 1-14.

“Tolerance and Intolerance in Advanced Industrial States” in L. Halman and N. Nevitte (eds.), Political Value Change in Western Democracies, Tilburg: Tilburg University Press, 1997: 59-79.

“Unpacking Environmental Orientations: Deep or Superficial” (with M. Kanji) in L. Halman and N. Nevitte (eds.), Political Value Change in Western Democracies, Tilburg: Tilburg University Press, 1997: 285-309.

“New Trading Partners: What Survey Research Reveals about Canadians and Mexicans” in Roderic Ai Camp (ed.), Polling for Democracy: Public Opinion and Political Liberalization in Mexico, Wilmington, De.: Scholarly Resources Books, 1996: 107-130.

“North American Value Change and Integration: Lessons from Europe,” (with R. Inglehart) in Ruud de Moor (ed.), Values in Western Societies, Tilburg, Netherlands: Tilburg University Press, 1996: 107-136.

“Bringing Values `Back In’: Value Change and North American Integration” in Donald Barry (ed.), Toward a North American Community? Canada, and the United States and Mexico, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995: 185-210.

“Directions of Value Change in North America” (with Ronald Inglehart and Miguel Basañez) in Stephen J. Randall and Herman W. Konrad (eds.), NAFTA in Transition, Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1995: 329-344.

“Promoting Continental Trade: NAFTA Why Now?” in B. McPhail (ed.), NAFTA Now! The Changing Political Economy of North America, Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1995: 27-48.

“Have Publics Become More Tolerant?” in Juan Diez Nicolas and Ronald Inglehart (eds.), World Trends in Social and Political Values, Madrid: Fundesco, 1994: 285-308.

“The People and the Charlottetown Accord” (with R. Johnston, A. Blais and E. Gidengil) in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown (eds.), Canada: the State of the Federation, 1993, Kingston, ON: Institute of Intergovernmental Relations: 19-43.

“Directions of Value Change in North America” (with R. Inglehart and M. Basañez) in S. Randall (ed.), North America Without Borders, Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1992: 245-260.

“The Greening of the Canadian Electorate: Environmentalism, Ideology and Partisanship” (with H. Bakvis) in Robert Boardman (ed.), Canadian Environmental Policy: Ecosystems, Politics and Process, Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press, 1992: 144-163.

“The Dynamics of Canadian Political Culture(s)” in Robert M. and R.H. Wagenburg (eds.), Introductory Readings in Canadian Government and Politics, Krause, Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1991: 1- 23.

“New Politics, The Charter and Political Participation,” in Herman Bakvis (ed.), Representation, Integration and Political Parties in Canada, Toronto: Dundurn Press, vol. 14, Report of the Royal Commission on Electoral Change and Party Financing, 1991: 355-417.

“New Politics,” in M.O. Dickerson, T.E. Flanagan and N. Nevitte (eds.), Introductory Readings in Government and Politics, Scarborough, ON: Nelson Canada, third edition, 1991: 161-170.

“Analyzing Communal Conflict: A Theoretical Perspective,” in Y. Malik and D. Vajpeyi (eds.), Religious and Ethnic Minorities in South Asia, Washington: Riverdale Press, 1989: 1-17.

“Regionalism in Britain: An Exploratory Analysis of the Attitude Structures of British Youth Elites,” Social Research Monograph #29, University College, Cardiff, 1988: 43.

“Structural Factors in the Conservative Resurgence,” (with J. Smith and A. Kornberg), in F.B. Cooper et al. (eds.), The Resurgence of Conservatism in Anglo-American Democracies Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1988: 25-53.

“The Analysis of Politics of Preference in Developing States,” in Nevitte and Kennedy eds., Ethnic Preference and Public Policy in Developing States (with C.H. Kennedy), Boulder, CO; Lynn Rienner Press, 1986: 1-14.

“Minorities as an Attitudinal Phenomenon: A Cross National Analysis,” Minorities and the Canadian State (with R. Gibbins), in Nevitte and Kornberg (eds.), Toronto, ON: Mosaic, 1985: 257-273.

“The Evolution of Quebec Nationalism,” (with F.-P. Gingras) in A. Gagnon (ed.), Quebec:  State and Society in Crisis, Toronto: Methuen, 1984: 2-14, revised and reprinted in Paul Fox and Graham White (eds.), Politics:  Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson), sixth edition, 1987: 243-53, seventh edition, 1991.

“Nationalism and Modernity,” (with E. Tiryakian) in R. Rogowski and E. Tiryakian (eds.), New Nationalisms of the Developed West, London: Allen and Unwin, 1984: 57-86.

“Religion and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and Quebec,” in R. Rogowski and E. Tiryakian (eds.), New Nationalisms of the Developed West, London: Allen and Unwin, 1984: 337-368.

“Le Réalignement partisan fédéral-provincial,” in J. Crete (ed.), Le Comportement electoral au Québec, Gaetan Morin Ltée., 1984: 243-277.

“Religion, Values and Contemporary Nationalism,” (with F.-P. Gingras), in K. Courtis, J. Pelletier and J. Zylberberg (eds.), Socializations et Ideologies, Quebec: Laval University Press, 1983: 197- 231.

“Nationalism in Quebec: Transition in Ideology and Political Support,” in A. Kornberg and H. Clarke (eds.), Political Support in Canada, Durham N.C.: Duke University Press, 1983: 293-322.

“A Typology of Nationalism,” in Dickerson, Flanagan and Nevitte, (eds.), Introductory Readings in Government and Politics, Toronto: Methuen, 1983: 116-125.

“Nationalism and Religions: The Theoretical Link,” Occasional Papers Series, University of Ottawa, 1980.

“Nationalism, States and Nations,” in The Future of North America: Canada, the United States and Quebec Nationalism, Feldman and Nevitte (eds.), Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980: 343-359.

Recent Papers

Canadian Election Studies

Why do Publics Support Minority Governments? Three Tests

With Y. Dufresne. Parliamentary Affairs (2012): 1-16.

First-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral rules usually produce legislative majorities. But minority governments appear to be an increasingly common electoral outcome in political systems operating under those rules. What, then, drives citizens views about minority governments? The Canadian case is instructive; it operates under FPTP rules and has recently experienced three minority governments in a row. This investigation proposes three explanations for why citizens might support minority governments and these explanations are empirically tested using Canadian Election Study data. The analysis indicates that people support minority government outcomes mostly for partisan strategic reasons. Pragmatic considerations are important but, surprisingly, principled motivations have quite modest effect.

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Political Judgments, Perceptions of Facts and Partisan Effects

With A. Blais, E. Gidengil, P. Fournier, J. Everitte, and J. Kim. Electoral Studies 29:1(2010): 1-12.

We test two competing hypotheses about the impact of partisanship and information on people’s political judgments and perceptions of facts using Canadians’ reactions to a major scandal. Our findings with respect to subjective political judgments confirm the argument that partisan predispositions are crucial. But there is no evidence to support the argument that the polarizing effect of partisanship is most evident among the most informed. When it comes to perceptions of “objective” facts, the results are consistent with Zaller’s reception axiom: the more informed people are, the more likely they are to correctly perceive objective facts. Partisanship does not appear to affect these perceptions.

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The Development of Dual Loyalties: Immigrants’ Integration to Canadian Regional Dynamics

With A. Bilodeau and S. White. Canadian Journal of Political Science 43:3 (2010): 1-30.

The transformations in recent patterns of immigration have the potential to reshape the trajectory of Canada’s regional political dynamics. Drawing on data from the 1993–2006 Canadian Election Studies, this analysis explores how immigrants adjust to the prevailing regional political norms in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. Do newcomers adopt the political orientations (feelings towards Canada and their province, confidence in provincial and federal governments, perceptions about how the province is treated by the federal government and support for the Liberal party) that resemble those of their native-born provincial counterparts? The results suggest that immigrants, especially newer waves from non-traditional source countries, tend to develop orientations that are more federally oriented than the local populations in their province. This tendency is most pronounced in Quebec where both groups of immigrants from traditional and non-traditional source countries internalize political grievances and norms less efficiently than their counterparts in other provinces.

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Information, Visibility, and Elections: Why Electoral Outcomes Differ When Voters Are Better Informed

With A. Blais, E. Gidengil, P. Fournier. European Journal of Political Research 48:2 (2009): 256-280.

This article assesses the aggregate effect of information shortfall on the outcome of the last six Canadian elections. Building on Bartels’ analysis, the authors find an information effect in three of the six elections examined, and in each case the information gap benefits the Liberal Party. That finding raises the question: why does information matter in some contexts but not in others? It is argued in this article that the information gap is related to lack of visibility. When and where all political parties have some degree of visibility, the less informed vote like the better informed, but when and where a party is hardly visible, the less informed are less likely to support that party. The less informed appear to consider a smaller set of options when they decide how to vote.

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Election Campaigns as Information Campaigns: Who Learns What and Does it Matter?

With R. Nadeau, A. Blais, and E. Gidengil. Political Communication 25:3 (2008): 229-248.

During election campaigns political parties compete to inform voters about their leaders, the issues, and where they stand on these issues. In that sense, election campaigns can be viewed as a particular kind of information campaign. Democratic theory supposes that participatory democracies are better served by an informed electorate than an uninformed one. But do all voters make equal information gains during campaigns? Why do some people make more information gains than others? And does the acquisition of campaign information have any impact on vote intentions? Combining insights from political science research, communications theory, and social psychology, we develop specific hypotheses about these campaign information dynamics. These hypotheses are tested with data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study, which includes a rolling cross-national campaign component, a post-election component, and a media content analysis. The results show that some people do make more information gains than others; campaigns produce a knowledge gap. Moreover, the intensity of media signals on different issues has an important impact on who receives what information, and information gains have a significant impact on vote intentions.

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The Political Resocialization of Immigrants: Resistance or Life-Long Learning

With S. White, A. Blais, E. Gidengil, and P. Fournier. Political Research Quarterly 61: 268-281.  

Theories of political socialization contain competing expectations about immigrants’ potential for political resocialization. Premigration beliefs and actions may be resistant to change, exposure to the new political system may facilitate adaptation, or immigrants may find ways to transfer beliefs and behaviors from one political system to another.
This analysis empirically tests these three alternative theories of resocialization. The results indicate that both transfer and exposure matter; there is little evidence that premigration beliefs and actions are resistant to change. Moreover, how immigrants adapt depends on which orientation or behavior is being considered and on what kind of political environments migrants come from.

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Does Low Turnout Matter? Evidence from the 2000 Canadian Federal Election

With  D. Rubenson, A. Blais, P. Fournier and E. Gidengil. Electoral Studies 26:3 (2007): 442-450. 

We examine whether turnout has a partisan bias; specifically whether higher turnout would benefit parties and policies of the left. Using data from the 2000 Canadian Election Study, we analyze differences in opinion between voters and non-voters across a wide spectrum of policy areas in order to assess the extent of divergent views between voters and abstainers. Next, by simulating universal turnout we test the hypothesis that the outcome of the 2000 Canadian Federal Election would have been appreciably different
if all citizens were to have voted. We find scant evidence for a partisan effect of turnout in Canada. Voters’ opinions are, by and large, representative of the larger population and universal turnout would not have changed the election result.

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Other Refereed Journal Articles

Assessing the Impact of Political Scandals on Attitudes toward Democracy: Evidence from Canada’s Sponsorship Scandal

With N. Ruderman. Canadian Journal of Political Science 1(4) (2016): 1-20.

Satisfaction with the workings of democracy seems to have declined in Canada, as it has in other established democracies. Political scandals are one frequently invoked explanation for that shift. But there is substantial scholarly disagreement about whether political scandals undermine democratic satisfaction. This paper uses evidence from a conveniently timed round of the CES (Canadian Election Study) from 2004, as well as the CES panel from 2004 and 2006, to explore this relationship more definitively than is usually possible. The results indicate that the scandal eroded satisfaction with the way democracy works but did not undermine support for democracy more generally.

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Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities

With I. Ivan Katchanovski and S. Rothman. Canadian Journal of Higher Education 45:4 (2015): 18-41. 

Direct comparisons of American and Canadian faculty and students’ views
concerning issues of race, gender, and affirmative action in higher education
are rare. The 1999 North American Academic Study Survey provides a unique
opportunity to analyze the role of national and positional factors in faculty
and student attitudes towards race, gender, and affirmative action in the US
and Canada. The findings indicate that national factors are more important
than positional factors on many racial and affirmative-action issues. Differences
between students and faculty are more pronounced than are cross-national
variations on many gender-related issues.

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Scapegoating: Unemployment, Far-right Parties, and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment

With C. Cochrane. Comparative European Politics 12:1 (2014): 1-32.

Far-right parties blame immigrants for unemployment. We test the
effects of the unemployment rate on public receptivity to this rhetoric. The dependent
variable is anti-immigrant sentiment. The key independent variables are the
presence of a far-right party and the level of unemployment. Building from influential
elite-centered theories of public opinion, the central hypothesis is that a high
unemployment rate predisposes citizens to accept the anti-immigrant rhetoric of
far-right parties, and a low unemployment rate predisposes citizens to reject this
rhetoric. The findings from cross-sectional, cross-time and cross-level analyses
are consistent with this hypothesis. It is neither the unemployment rate nor the
presence of a far-right party that appears to drive anti-immigrant sentiment; rather,
it is the interaction between the two.

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Earning their support: Feelings Towards Canada Among Recent Immigrants

With S. White and A. Bilodeau. Ethnic and Racial Studies 38:2 (2013): 292-308.

This article examines the factors that lie behind Canada’s success at earning the support of its newcomers. It examines the extent to which feelings towards Canada are grounded in immigrants’ experiences in the host country, predispositions inherited from their lives
prior to migration, and their comparative assessments of the host country and the country of origin. The findings indicate that although feelings towards Canada are partly shaped by post-migration factors, immigrants also interpret experiences in their new host country through the lens of their pre-migration experiences.

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World Value Surveys

The Decline of Deference Revisited: Evidence after 25 Years

Presented at “Mapping and Tracking Global Value Change: A Festschrift Conference for Ronald Inglehart,” University of California, Irvine, March 11 2011.

The Decline of Deference made the case that people learn authority orientations in the family and generalize those orientations towards other domains such as the workplace and the polity. Further, these outlooks are consequential for how people evaluate authoritative institutions and for their political behaviour. These expectations were originally tested with data from the 1981- 1990 rounds of the WVS in 12 advanced industrial states. This paper moves that analysis forward in three directions. The first empirically re-examines the theory with 25 years worth of WVS data and asks: Does the theory still hold up? We then turn to investigate whether there are detectable traces of generational learning. Exploiting the longer time span of the WVS data, we ask: Do those authority oriented values that parents aimed to teach their children in 1981 leave any statistical footprint in what might be ?the children? of that older generation 25 years later? The third empirical section turns to a multilevel analysis, and takes advantage of the broadened number of countries, to investigate an institutional question: Are the individual level orientations towards authority consequential for aggregate institutional country level characteristics? Here authority outlooks are tracked against measures of democratic performance in 45 countries.

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Cleavages, Value Gaps and Regime Support: Evidence from Canada and 26 Other Societies

With M. Kanji. In R. Inglehart, T. Pettersson and Y. Esmer (eds.), Changing Values, Persisting Cultures: Comparative Findings from the World Values Surveys. Leiden: Brill Academic, 2008: 45-73.

Canada, along with such countries as the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria and Switzerland, is usually identified as being among that small cluster of states that qualify as “deeply divided” societies.  Thirty-five years ago, Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan (1967) developed a comprehensive account of how deep and reinforcing social cleavages presented states with the challenges of integration and political support.  Their pioneering account focused primarily on how party systems mediated societal cleavages based on religion, class, language and region. Contemporary evidence suggests, however, that the “old” cleavages, which Lipset and Rokkan claimed decisively shaped states during the industrializing period, may be less prominent now than they once were…This exploration examines the impact of social differentiation and diversity from the vantage point of new cleavages.

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Hong Kong Future Directions (2017)

The report was co-authored by Neil Nevitte and Puja Kapai. To read their core findings click here. To read their youth perspectives findings click here. The report summarizes the findings concerning the future of governance in Hong Kong, providing nuanced
insights about the public’s satisfaction with Hong Kong’s election processes, the performance of the HKSAR government, views on Hong Kong’s relationship with Mainland China. It also summarizes what Hong Kong people believe the HKSAR government should priorities in terms of economic and livelihood issues or
democratic development.

Haiti’s Electoral Environment (2015)

OCID, a non-partisan coalition of three important domestic NGO’s, plans to undertake a systematic observation of the upcoming elections in Haiti. With that goal in mind OCID deployed its entire national observer network to mount a systematic assessment of the election environment. 1,463 observers were randomly distributed in 730 pairs through the country between May 23 and May 31 and conducted a series of face-to-face interviews with more than 3,700 Haitian citizens.  The following report is organized into five general areas, each of which evaluates different aspects of the environment leading up to the 2015 elections. Click here to download the full report.

Myanmar’s Electoral Environment: Results From the 2015 PACE Survey

The People’s Alliance for Credible Elections (PACE) is a non-partisan civil society organization that launched a domestic election observation of Myanmar’s elections. In May 2015, PACE mobilized its national network of trained volunteers to undertake a systematic assessment of Myanmar’s electoral environment. This report summarizes some of the main findings from the interviews conducted by the PACE network. Click here to download the full report.

Democracy at Crossroads: The Results of the 2013 Maldives Democracy Survey

Transparency Maldives conducted a nationwide random survey of the Maldivian public in August 2013. The survey used repeatedly tested survey questions and the results are reliable within a margin of error of +?? 3.0%. That project was grounded in the conviction that the successful performance of democratic institutions requires a complementary set of supporting democratic values. The results point to significant democratic deficits within Maldivian political culture. Click here to download the full report.

Honduran Electoral Census Audit 2012

The report was co-authored by Neil Nevitte, José Cruz, Michelle Brown, and Salvador Romero Ballivian. The authors worked with Hagamos Democracia, an NDI-partner organization based in Honduras. To read their findings and recommendations click here.

Democracy in Honduras: Political Values and Civic Engagement in 2011

This report was written by Neil Nevitte and Salvador Romero. To read their findings and recommendations click here.

Audit of the Voter Registry in Guatemala (2003)

The report was a joint project conducted by Professor Nevitte, José Cruz, and NDI. To read their findings and recommendations click here.